Author: HEF Admin

  • 1st reading to repeal Section 59 of the Crimes Act.

    1st reading to repeal Section 59 of the Crimes Act.

    Wednesday 27 July 2005
    65 MPs for
    54 MPs against

    Support for 1st reading:
    Labour
    Greens
    The Progressives
    The Maori Party
    Two of NZ First’s 13 MPs

  • Significant Quote:

    Significant Quote:
    Section 59 of the Crimes Act 1961 currently permits parents to administer moderate corporal punishment to correct their children’s misbehaviour. Various groups contend that corporal punishment should be abolished. It is, they charge, ineffective, if not harmful. They invoke the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child in support. Rex Ahdar and James Allan argue that the abolitionists’ case is decidedly weak. The arguments for banning corporal punishment are philosophically suspect, linguistically strained and not supported by the rather limited research evidence. The authors conclude that the present law on parental smacking should remain.

    *Faculty of Law, University of Otago.

    re. Taking Smacking Seriously: The Case for Retaining the Legality of Parental Smacking in New Zealand
    – Rex Ahdar & James Allan*
    (Quote taken from this website – http://nzlawreview.auckland.ac.nz/01part1.html)

  • MYTHS IN THE SMACKING DEBATE:

    MYTHS IN THE SMACKING DEBATE:
    By Sue Reid of Masterton

    As a parent, some days are diamonds and some days are just plain stone. There are times when children meet you in the hallway ‘looking for war – don’t disappoint them’ says veteran child psychologist Dr James Dobson. Parents need to be in control because they have the responsibility to train their precious children to be mature adults with good sound character.

    No easy task for the best of us. Children are in learning mode and parents have been given the support in law to use ‘reasonable force’ to do their job. Section 59 of the Crimes Act will be challenged in parliament in coming weeks with the goal of repealing this right for parents. In the course of debate it has been labeled ‘the ban of smacking’.

    MP’s and child advocates are trying to move away from this because it is unpopular with the majority of families – a large portion of the voting quota. Instead, the MP’s are trying to focus the debate on court cases whereby parents have ‘struck’ their children and extreme force is debated. But to take out the phrase ‘reasonable force’ in reaction to some cases leaves parents wide open for prosecution. Even if this is not their intent, the law would not give adequate support for parents disciplining their children.

    Already our Prime Minister, Children’s Commissioner, Plunket, Barnados, Save the Children and the Law Society have all been vocal in their support for the ‘repeal of section 59’. Glaringly absent is the voice of reasonable, loving parents – the very people such a law change will effect. Lots of ‘blanket statements’ which are reactionary and emotive have been reported full of many myths and misunderstandings.

    Much of the research already done, needs to be aired at this time and the facts set right. We have many on the bandwagon letting their ideology get in the way of what is sound, reasonable and fair. Common sense has been left aside and advocates push on regardless supposedly representing children’s rights.

    Children do not exist separate from their parents or care-givers. I have trouble with modern terms such as ‘children’s rights’ (not of an age to also have responsibilities) and the phrase ‘child poverty’. Usually a whole family is in crisis or impoverished and thus should be tended to as a whole unit.

    On July 1st, just last week, the Care of Children Act became law. Guardians are now called day-to-day carers of the children. Such change in legal language continues the erosion of the parent’s role in their children’s lives.

    To repeal section 59 of the Crimes Act is another way to negate the importance of freedom for parent’s to train their children. The hand over my daughter’s hand to help her follow my request to pack her toys up could be interpreted as reasonable force. I would lose my defence of such force if I was called to account in court.

    Parents start to lose confidence in their role in raising kids and fear reprimand from state agencies. This is supported by intensive research that has been carried out in countries already having physical punishment bans in law.

    Sweden’s laws have been in place since 1979, Finland in 1984, Denmark in 1997. Collectively, these countries give us the advantage of foresight – where do laws banning physical punishment lead to?

    Ruby Harrold-Claesson, Attorney-at-law from Nordic Committee for Human Rights in Sweden says “Social authorities and the courts enforce the law concerning the child’s right not to be subjected to physical punishment, irrespective of what the child has done. Many Swedish parents are therefore afraid of their children and dare not correct them for fear of being reported to the police, indicted and fined or sent to prison.”

    Many myths mislead the public on this issue. There is a man in Blenheim who has $10,000 in trust and will give it to anyone who produces a credible study that shows that smacking is harmful. It has not been rewarded yet.

    Myth number 1: ‘studies show that smacking is harmful’. Using physical punishment in an extreme severe way or too frequently is clearly harmful to children but research is still ongoing as to whether typical smacking is more detrimental than other disciplinary options. Current evidence suggests that non- abusive smacking for a 2-6 year old is effective for acts of defiance over the options of timeout, reasoning and removing privileges.(1) “The law against physical punishment does more damage to children than a smack from a mother or father. When the authorities intervene in the life of a well functioning family, its life is destroyed. There is nothing that can mend the resulting hurt, pain and bitterness and children are the losers.”(2)

    Myth number 2: “reasonable force equates to violence”. Too often the word smack gets changed to hit, belt, hiding or violent bash all in one sentence. Maybe a definition of reasonable force would be helpful. Both opponents and advocates are increasingly in agreement with this. An open-handed smack on a leg or hand without implements sounds more reasonable than a blanket ban.

    Myth number 3: “Studies in Sweden showed violence has gone down”. Quite the opposite, with parents lacking confidence in shaping their children’s character delinquency and anti social behaviour rises. Rates of child to child violence have risen in those born after the 1979 ban.(3) “Because parents have been dis-empowered, the police must intervene in many more incidents than was previously the case” says Professor Robert E Larzelere PhD. Countries that have low rates of violence do not have bans on physical punishment. So it is an assumption to equate the ban in physical punishment with a lowering in violence. It is more credible to look at family structures and to note that the unacceptably high rates of violent child deaths have been at the hands of a non-parent, often the mother’s live-in bed-mate. Wairarapa has far too much experience with these tragedies of children killed. Children are not mini adults they need parents to nurture than and raise them to know what is wrong and what is right.

    A move to change these laws is serious. With 177 countries in the world, only four have confirmed anti-smacking laws – Sweden, Finland, Norway and Denmark. Yet they still experience headlines such as ‘child abuse increasing’, ‘many beaten children call BRIS (children’s rights in the society) helpline’ and ‘Alarming increase of deadly child abuse’.

    It is helpful to look at these nations and the vast research because their laws have been in place since 1979.

    Let’s not mince words here, advocates for a repeal of Section 59 have a ban on smacking firmly in their sights. The proposed law change would be a disaster for children and their families – only giving enhanced powers to state and intervene in our lives.

    It is obvious that many families have adopted ‘no smacking’ policies in their families and well done for that choice, but it is not helpful to then assume everyone should do so – it becomes a bit like someone forcing their religion on you. It is helpful for certain ages not the only form of discipline used.

    The ‘anti-smacking’ advocates have promoted great education about alternative options which are helpful to many parents. As the debate seems to reach fever-pitch seek out the research, know the facts and sift the ideology. Look to the horizon and see what the law would look like in twenty years.

    Of course child deaths and true family violence should be addressed but the answers won’t come out of a law change to repeal the now famous section 59 of the Crimes Act.

    1. ‘Sweden’s Smacking Ban: More Harm Than Good’ Robert E Larzelere PhD University of Nebraska Medical Centre
    2. Ruby Harrold-Claesson Families First Issue 2 Autumn 2001
    3. Robert E Larzelere
    4. Ruby Harrold-Claesson

    First published in:
    The Wairarapa Times-Age
    Saturday, July 9, 2005
    Saturday Features
    Digging Deeper column page 4

  • Smacking Ban Arrogant and Clumsy


    Smacking Ban Arrogant and Clumsy
    (By Dr Rex Ahdar, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, at the University of Otago; Christchurch Press, 30 June 2005, http://www.stuff.co.nz/stuff/0,2106,3329523a6220,00.html.)

    Why are so many bureaucrats, social scientists and self-styled children’s experts so insistent on abolishing the parental defence in section 59 of the Crimes Act permitting smacking of children? It beats me.

    There are some cases where parents were acquitted by juries for conduct that abolitionists of smacking consider constituted child abuse. These cases supposedly show that the law is deficient.

    The Prime Minister, Helen Clark, was one such critic: “Where the law lends itself to mounting a defence on the basis of reasonable force, and then we see people get off in court for what are clearly assaults against a child – I don’t think it’s right.” (TV One, June 13, 2005).

    Now, technically speaking, the Prime Minister is right since all intentional applications of physical force constitute “assault” under the wide definition contained in the Crimes Act. But that is not what she meant.

    Rather, she was, as I read it, decrying the fact that people were getting off for conduct that was, in her opinion, nothing less than patent abuse. Yet the juries in the cases concerned heard hours of evidence and as 12 citizens possessed of common sense (and familiar with the hurly-burly of family life and the pressures of modern childrearing) they decided that in the particular circumstances the accused parent’s action was reasonable.

    Interestingly, Otago University’s Children’s Issues Centre’s 2004 report came out against smacking, but also said that: “While it is clear from the research that severe and harsh punishment (both physical or other) is potentially very risky for children’s development, occasional physical punishment occurs in many families and may not have long-term negative effects as long as it is used in a climate of warmth and love, where the predominant mode of relating to children is positive.”

    Precisely. Excessive, harsh, injurious punishment is obviously bad and the law prohibits it, whereas selective, mild punishment is not harmful and the law permits it. So where is the problem?

    For many it seems that the line between the moderate smack and the abusive whack is simply too difficult and risky to draw. Because distinguishing them is too demanding we should institute an outright ban. This is an overly broad response.

    It may be that a careful redrafting of the section is desirable to clarify what is unreasonable and illegitimate – for example, prohibition of smacks involving hazardous implements or to a child’s head – but this proposal is not the one Parliament has to consider. No, it is the outright ban on smacking. Complete abolition is clumsy and arrogant. Because some enlightened individuals believe the line has been drawn wrongly on some occasions by ordinary citizens (as represented by the jury) we will not leave them to perform that task. Instead, we will ban the practice and thus eliminate “mistaken” verdicts.

    Importantly, and as some abolitionists now seem to grasp, repealing the section 59 defence would expose well-meaning parents to the full force of the criminal law.
    It is no good saying that parents who administer a trivial smack would be immune from prosecution, for all intentional applications of force, however slight, technically constitute an assault. Sue Bradford seems to put her faith in the sensible exercise of police discretion. But reliance upon prosecutorial discretion was firmly rejected as a sufficient safeguard by the Supreme Court of Canada last year in a test case on the equivalent of section 59.

    To fail to prosecute would open the police up to charges of unfair discrimination based on the denial to children of the benefit of the criminal law simply due to their age.

    In reality, section 59 represents a careful attempt to accommodate a child’s need for both protection and guidance. The law decriminalises only minimal force with transient impact and not the spiteful violent outburst against children. Section 59 also ensures that the law will not be invoked where the force is a part of a genuine effort to educate the child. The decision not to criminalise smacking is not based on some supposed devaluation of children but because to do so would risk ruining lives and fragmenting families.

    The age-old intuition that smacking, used sparingly and prudently, has its place is sound, and so is the law that recognises it.

  • Recommended Reading

    “Shepherding a Child’s Heart” by Tedd Tripp

    Available in New Zealand from:

    Geneva Books


    Christian Education Services

    Reformation Testimony link

  • Child deaths by neglect or violence from 1990 – 2001

    Child deaths by neglect or violence from 1990 – 2001

    Some statistics on Child Abuse cases in NZ before Section 59 was amended:

    http://tvnz.co.nz/view/page/411749/1257049

    In New Zealand more Maori children than any other nationality are killed by neglect or violence. From 1990 to 2001, for every 100,000 children in New Zealand 24 Maori children were killed, 12 Asian, nine Pakeha and six polynesian children.

  • The Parental Use of Physical Discipline in New Zealand

    he Parental Use of Physical Discipline in New Zealand – Part 1

    The Parental Use of Physical Discipline in New Zealand(Part I)
    by Robert van Wichen, LLB

    Introduction
    If I asked you “Is it legal to smack your child?,” how would you answer? “Yes,” or “No” … or after scratching your head for a while, “I don’t know.” The last answer is becoming increasingly common, with more and more parents wondering if they really are allowed to use force to correct their children. As a consequence some no longer dare to smack their children; others, believing it to be illegal, do so secretly. This article aims to answer that question.

    The starting point is section 59(1) of the Crimes Act 1961 which states:
    ..Every parent of a child and … every person in place of a parent of a child is justified in using force by way of correction towards the child, if the force used is reasonable in the circumstances.
    The word “justified” is important. It is defined in section 2(1) of the Crimes Act as meaning, “not guilty of any offence and not liable to any civil proceeding.” The expression “offence” is defined as meaning “any act or omission for which anyone can be punished under this Act or under any other enactment.” Judge Inglis summed it up simply:
    ..The effect of section 59 therefore is that a parent or a person in the place of a parent may lawfully use force by way of correction towards any child in his or her care, and provided the force is reasonable in the circumstances, is immune from prosecution or civil liability.(1)

    J L Caldwell in his article titled “Parental Physical Punishment and the Law”(2) affirms that section 59 provides specific statutory protection not only against criminal prosecutions for child assault (and other charges), but also against civil liability arising … section 59 does no more than codify the well-established common law defence … If, then, the privilege of physical punishment is to be definitively removed from parents, this must be done by way of specific statutory proscription.(3)

    The prevalence of physical discipline, in contrast to the relatively few court cases in which parents have been convicted for having used it, is anecdotal evidence of its legitimacy.

    It is clearly permissible to use reasonable force to correct a child, and it is irrelevant that some in our society would outlaw completely the physical discipline of children given the opportunity.

    However, a parent must satisfy two tests before section 59 is available as a defence. First, the force used must be “by way of correction.” Secondly, the force must be “reasonable in the circumstances”.

    I. Force by Way of Correction
    The state of mind of a parent whilst inflicting force will determine whether the act of force is a lawful act of “correction” protected by section 59 or an unlawful act possibly resulting in criminal proceedings under the Crimes Act,4 proceedings under the Children, Young Persons and Their Families Act, or proceedings pursuant to the Domestic Violence Act.

    From various cases in which parental discipline was considered, it appears that the following factors will be considered in determining the parent’s state of mind and in particular, whether force used was by way of correction:

    1. The relationship between the parent and child. The Court of Appeal in R v Drake(5) held that the nature of a parent’s relationship to a child is relevant to determining whether the force used was to correct the child, or for example was motivated by vindictiveness. Justice Edwards said it well:
    ..The self-same act may be either an obviously just act of parental correction or an act of revenge, and it may be quite impossible, without going into the whole relationship of the parties and the state of mind of the party administering the punishment to determine which of the two it is.(6)

    And later in the same judgment, Justice Denniston stated “…a jury … might be inclined to allow for an honest error of judgment in the case of a parent whom they believed to have been doing what seemed best for the child.”

    2. The parent’s state of mind at the time that the child was corrected. Even if the act of force should at first sight appear reasonable, it will be held unlawful if it has arisen out of “spite, rage, fury, anger or ill-will”(7) or if the parent has acted capriciously or arbitrarily.(8) However as one judge said, “It is unrealistic to assume that parents discipline their children, whatever the nature of the infraction, in a state of detached calm. Anger is part and parcel of the correction of a child. What is relevant is not whether the parent is upset, distraught, frustrated, annoyed or angry, but whether the parent is in control of his or her anger or emotions.”(9) What is germane is that the parent used the force to correct the child. An assessment of a parent’s state of mind will necessarily require a parent to explain why force was used and may involve consideration of the parent’s beliefs and views about child rearing, and his or her background (including culture).

    3. That what the child did was wrong or dangerous and warranted physical punishment. If there is nothing to correct, then obviously the force was not used for the purpose of correction. So if the child had not done wrong but simply had irritated the parent then it is not open to a parent to use physical discipline.

    4. Whether the parent has clear and reasonable boundaries and the child was aware in advance of those boundaries, and the consequences of disobedience.

    5. Unreasonable force may indicate that it was not for the purpose of correction, and the more unreasonable the force, the more likely that it was not for the purpose of correction. In R v Drake a mother had been convicted of manslaughter of her eight-year-old daughter. On appeal it was argued that the force was by way of correction and that certain evidence should not have been admitted at the trial, including evidence of the mother’s relationship with her daughter. However as Justice Denniston said:
    ..the state of mind of the accused towards this child, her feelings, the whole relationship between her and the child, was distinctly admissable [as evidence] …The punishment and its result (on the assumption that the child’s death was the result of the punishment) were so monstrously disproportionate to any offence that could have been said to have been committed by the child that it at once raises the question, and must necessarily have suggested to the prosecution the possibility, that what was done was not really by way of punishment, but was a means adopted by the accused of wreaking her dislike or malice upon this child.
    And conversely:
    ..[The jury] might be inclined to allow for an honest error in judgment in the case of a parent whom they believed to have really been doing what seemed to be best for the child … If the evidence showed the parent to be habitually kind, and to have a care for the child, then although the jury might think that an error of judgment had been committed, it would probably hesitate to bring a verdict of manslaughter.

    Similar reasoning has been adopted in more recent cases.(10)

    II. Force That is Reasonable in the Circumstances
    The second test that must be satisfied is that the force used was reasonable in the circumstances. But exactly what does that mean?

    Firstly, who determines what is reasonable or what is not? Judge Inglis in the case of Kendall v Director-General of Social Welfare(11) asked:
    … Does what is reasonable depend on the view of the Department of Social Welfare, or does it depend on what the ordinary loving but sensible parent would regard as reasonable? … There are … great differences of opinion within society on these issues: there are those who believe that any form of physical correction of a child is wrong; there are those who believe that children must learn, if necessary, by reasonable physical correction, that “No” means “No”; who is to say who is right?

    It will be for the Court to determine whether the force used was reasonable in all the circumstances. What is reasonable force is not easy to determine and not capable of precise calculation as pointed out by Justice Denniston(12):
    ..The matter was treated in argument rather as if it were one of mathematical proof – as if the exact amount of punishment which was reasonable under the circumstances were capable of being mathematically estimated; but such a matter is not open to mathematical determination, because the data are not mathematical.

    The Court has a wide discretion in determining what is reasonable.(13) The more obvious things that the Court will generally look at are as follows:

    1. The relationship between parent and child.
    2. The characteristics of the child including his or her age and maturity, sex, size and strength and character.
    3. The likely and actual effect of the punishment on the particular child.
    4. The nature of the offence calling for correction.
    5. Type, severity and circumstances of punishment, and the extent of any injuries inflicted.
    6. Culture and religious beliefs of the family.

    Possibly the Court will consider what it perceives to be the current social views on the issue(14). However, it is difficult to see how this would assist the Court given the widely diverging views held within society.
    (To be continued in Part 2.)

    References
    1. Kendall v Director-General of Social Welfare (1986) 3 FRNZ 1 at page 11.
    2. New Zealand Universities Law Review 13 (December 1989) p. 370. Caldwell is a Senior Lecturer in Law, University of Canterbury. His article advocates the prohibition of all physical punishment.
    3. Ibid at page 372.
    4. Refer to sections 193 to 196 of the Crimes Act.
    5. [1902] NZLR 478
    6. Ibid at page 488
    7. R v Terry [1955] VLR 114 at 117; Hansen v Cole (1890) 272 at 282; Lowry v Barlow [1921] NZLR 316, at page 318. Supra, footnote 2 at pages 373 to 374.
    8. R v Trynchy (1970) 73 WWR 165 at 168. Supra, footnote 2 at page 374.
    9. R v Peterson (1995) 98 CCC (3d) 253 at page 259.
    10. eg R v Terry (supra, footnote 7).
    11. Supra, footnote 1 at page 12.
    12. R v Drake (supra, footnote 5) at page 486.
    13. Supra, footnote 2 at page 375. Erick v Police (unreported, High Court, Auckland, 7 March 1985, M.1734/84) at page 3 “The statutory defence gives the Court the widest discretion”.
    14. Kendall v Director-General of Social Welfare (1986) 3 FRNZ 1 at page 12, “What is ‘reasonable’ must be a matter of degree and will depend on what can be perceived to be the current social view at any given time. If a change in the law is desired then it is for Par liament, not the Court, to bring it about.”

    (Robert van Wichen graduated from Auckland University in 1990 and has worked as a lawyer in Palmerston North ever since. He is now a sole practitioner. Over the years he has handled a wide variety of court cases including criminal and family law cases. He now focuses on business and technology law and civil litigation. He can be contacted on (06) 355 1276 or v.wichen@xtra.co.nz.)

    From:
    Keystone Magazine
    July 1999, Vol. V No. 3
    PO Box 9064
    Palmerston North
    Phone: (06) 357-4399
    Fax: (06) 357-4389
    Email: hedf@xtra.co.nz
    Webpage:
    http://www.hef.org.nz

    The Parental Use of Physical Discipline in New Zealand
    (Part II)
    by Robert van Wichen, LLB

    (In Part I Mr van Wichen introduced this subject by examining Section 59 of the Crimes Act which states:
    ..Every parent of a child and … every person in place of a parent of a child is justified in using force by way of correction towards the child, if the force used is reasonable in the circumstances.
    He explained the legal interpretations of force being used “by way of correction” as opposed to vengeance, spite, ill-will, etc., taking the parent’s state of mind at the time into consideration. He then examined the phrase “reasonable in the circumstances”, mentioning that the courts have a wide discretion in determining what is reasonable, and will take into account such things as the relationship between the parent and the child, and the family’s culture and religious beliefs. In other words the context of the spanking is important.)

    III. Illustrative cases
    It may be helpful to consider two court cases to get a better understanding of the issues involved.

    R v Peterson(15)
    This Canadian case is not only useful as an illustration but also is relevant to the interpretation of section 59. The Canadian Criminal Code is virtually identical to the New Zealand Crimes Act on this subject.(16)

    In September 1994, the Peterson family were celebrating Mrs Peterson’s birthday at a restaurant while holidaying in Niagara Falls, Canada. Mr Peterson and his two children, Rachel (aged 5) and William (aged 2) returned to their car to get a card and gift for Mrs Peterson. Rachel started to misbehave, and continued after Mr Peterson told her to stop. She pushed William out of the car on to the footpath as he tried to get into the car. Mr Peterson told Rachel not to close the car door, but she ignored him and deliberately slammed the door on her brother’s fingers.

    Mr Peterson, angered by his daughter’s behaviour, decided that she deserved a spanking. He told her this and why. At first, he tried to smack her in the car, but she struggled so much that it was not possible due to the confined space. Initially he was going to spank Rachel over her clothes, but due to her resistance decided to adminster the spanking on her bare bottom. He carried her out of the car, placed her on the boot of the car and struck her a number of times with the flat or palm of his hand. Rachel started crying. The trial judge later found that she was uninjured and any emotional trauma was transitory.

    This scene was witnessed by three people, one of whom was vehemently opposed to the physical punishment of children. The incident was reported to the Police, and Mr Peterson was charged with assault.

    The judge formed the view, after hearing both Mr and Mrs Peterson give evidence, that they were reasonable, responsible, and caring parents. He described their discipline policy in the home as reasonable and designed to be in their children’s best interests.

    The Crown raised several arguments. One was that the spanking was not for the purpose of correction, but was due to Mr Peterson being angry. The judge rejected that argument; what is relevant is not whether the parent is upset, distraught, frustrated, annoyed or angry, but whether the parent is in control of his or her anger or emotions. He went on to find that Mr Peterson’s conduct was measured and controlled. He accepted that Mr Peterson had an honest and reasonably held belief that a spanking was necessary to correct Rachel, and accordingly the spanking was given for a lawful purpose.

    Another of the Crown’s arguments was that as the spanking was done in a public place it was not justifiable. The judge, in rejecting the Crown’s argument, decided that the place of the spanking was just one of the many factors to be considered in determining whether the punishment was reasonable. The charge of assault was dismissed.

    The judge’s closing comments are of interest:
    “It is readily apparent, however, that attitudes within the community towards the corporal punishment of children vary. It is one of those difficult and sensitive social issues where voices are at variance.
    … [One of the witnesses] said, as a parent, she was not in favour of the physical discipline of her son, or indeed any child. She told David Peterson in no uncertain terms that what he was doing, in her judgment, was wrong; indeed, she told him that his conduct was unlawful. [That witness] was wrong as to the law of Canada. But her evidence brings into sharp focus the differing views that exist in contemporary society on the subject of child discipline. [Her] views may be shared by many; it is hard to know. But … this is not a court of social justice, but a court of law. It is the law that a parent … may physically discipline a child if such parent … brings himself or herself within the framework of s43. A judge applies the law. Parliament makes the law.”(17)

    R v Erick(18)
    This New Zealand case involved an appeal to the High Court against a conviction for assault. Mr Erick severely disciplined his six year old son causing extensive, though not permanent, injuries. Using a belt, he had struck him on the face and back at least ten times with considerable force. Mr Erick, a Nuiean Islander, contended that what he had done was in accordance with his culture. Evidence was given by a number of witnesses that severe corporal punishment was a normal part of Nuiean family life. The High Court upheld the conviction entered in the District Court as Mr Erick had admitted to a constable who had interviewed him that the force was excessive even by his own standards.

    Of significance was the High Court’s acceptance that a person’s culture was relevant in determining whether the force used was reasonable. At page 3 of the judgment, Justice Heron stated:

    “The statutory defence gives the Court the widest discretion. It provides that the force used must be reasonable in all the circumstances. It is argued for [Mr Erick] that the Courts have recognised in the area of provocation persons of non-European cultures can have different cultural characteristics, and that by analogy different cultural characteristics will be relevant to the issue of reasonable force. … I uphold that submission. I do not think that it is possible to look at this in a vacuum and simply look at the extent for example of the injuries to the child concerned. It seems to me that it is proper in all the circumstances to have regard [among other things] to the cultural characteristics of the parent and the family as a measure of what is reasonable in all the circumstances.”(19)

    If that reasoning is applied consistently, a Court should also take into account other subjective(20) matters such as a family’s religious or ethical beliefs. In so doing, R v Erick rejected the narrower “objective” test, namely, “Would a reasonable person have done what the parent did in these circumstances?”, in favour of the wider “subjective” test, namely, “Would a reasonable person having that parent’s culture and beliefs have done what the parent did in these circumstances?”. The difference is highly significant.

    This approach is consistent with the NZ Bill of Rights Act(21) which enshrines as a right, not only the right to hold religious and ethical beliefs, but also to manifest them in practice.

    Once allowance is made for the subjective characteristics of the parent and his or her family, parents will be given significantly more latitude in determining when to correct a child and the degree of force that is reasonable.

    IV. A Note of Caution
    Due to widely diverging views on this issue within society, and even within the judiciary it is not possible to rule out the possibility of the Court interpreting section 59 narrowly. J L Caldwell has noted:

    “… at least one New Zealand judge has admitted to a personal rejection of disciplinary methods involving ‘resort on occasion to the threat of the strap or slap.’ The modern, less enthusiastic approach may be best exemplified by the observation of Scholl, J. to the effect that there are now ‘exceedingly strict limits’ on the parental privilege of physical punishment.”(22)

    However, contrast that with what Chief Justice Prendergast said in Hansen v Cole(23). This was a civil case late last century in which a pupil brought an action in the Supreme Court against his schoolmaster for caning him. What he had to say applies just as much to parents:

    “… Among reasonable persons much difference prevails as to the circumstances which will justify the infliction of punishment, and the extent to which it may be properly administered. On account of this difference of opinion and the difficulty which exists in determining what is reasonable punishment, and the advantage which the master has by being on the spot, to know all the circumstances, the manner, look, tone, gestures and language of the offender (which are not always easily described), – and thus to form a correct opinion as to the necessity and extent of the punishment, considerable allowance should be made to the teacher by the way of protecting him in the exercise of this discretion. Especially should he have this indulgence when he appears to have acted from good motives, and not from anger or malice. Hence the teacher is not to be held liable on the ground of excess of punishment, unless the punishment is clearly excessive…but if there be any reasonable doubt whether the punishment was excessive, the master should have the benefit of the doubt”.(24) (Emphasis mine).

    Further, as a matter of evidence, it is for the prosecution to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the force used was unreasonable.(25) It is not for the parent to prove that the force used was reasonable, or for the purpose of correction. It will suffice if the parent’s version of what occurred is believable.

    V. Summary
    It will now be clear that a parent may use physical punishment to correct a child provided the force used is reasonable. However, it should be asked why so many parents have come to believe that it is wrong or illegal for them to smack their children, and fear the consequences of continuing to do so. It is important that the law on this issue is understood so that parents can discern truth from fiction, and fact from propaganda.

    References
    15. R v Peterson (1995) 98 CCC (3d) 253.
    16. Section 43 of the Canadian Criminal Code reads, “Every schoolteacher, parent or person standing in the place of a parent is justified in using force by way of correction toward a pupil or child as the case may be, who is under his care, if the force does not exceed what is reasonable under the circumstances.”
    17. Supra, footnote 15 at page 262.
    18. (Unreported, High Court, Auckland, 7 March 1985, M.1734/84)
    19. Ibid, at page 3.
    20. In this context, “subjective” means from the point of view of those directly involved, as opposed to “objective” which means from the point of view of artificial construct such as the reasonable man or detached and unbiased observer.
    21. Section 13 of the Bill of Rights Act states, “Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion, and belief, including the right to adopt and to hold opinions without interference”, and section 15 states, “Every person has the right to manifest that person’s religion or belief in worship, observance, practice, or teaching, either individually or in community with others, and either in public or in private.”
    22. Supra, footnote 2 at pages 376 to 377.
    23. [1891] 9 NZLR 272. It is of some interest that even last century this issue was a contentious one; in this case reference was made to a view expressed elsewhere that physical punishment was a “relic of barbarism”. Perhaps things have changed less than some would have us believe.
    24. Ibid, at pages 281 and 282.
    25. Erick v Police (unreported, High Court, Auckland, 7 March 1985, M.1734/84) at page 2.

    (Robert van Wichen graduated from Auckland University in 1990, and has worked as a lawyer in Palmerston North since graduating. He is now a sole practitioner. Over the years he has handled a wide variety of court cases (including criminal and family law cases). He now focuses on business and technology law and civil litigation. He can be contacted on (06) 355 1276 or v.wichen@xtra.co.nz.)

    From:
    Keystone Magazine
    July 1999, Vol. V No. 4
    PO Box 9064
    Palmerston North
    Phone: (06) 357-4399
    Fax: (06) 357-4389
    Email: hedf@xtra.co.nz
    Webpage:

    www.hef.org.nz

  • Rules for Members Bills – Section 59

    Members’ bills

    Members of Parliament who are not Government Ministers can put forward bills that are not part of the Government’s programme. These are called Members’ bills, and are debated in the House every second Wednesday when the House is sitting.

    Do Members’ bills ever become law?

    The Government has its own policy programme and priorities, and most Government bills become law because it obtains support from the majority in the House. In comparison, few Members’ bills are passed. In 2004, for example, five Members’ bills became law. Since the 2005 general election no Members’ bill have yet been passed.

    However, if a Member’s bill does not progress but does attract significant support, it may influence some of the Government’s legislation. For example, the Government may decide to introduce its own bill with similar policy aims to a Member’s bill. Occasionally, with the consent of the member, the Government will formally take over a Member’s bill and convert it into a Government bill.

    Members’ bills

    Members who are not Government Ministers can put forward bills that are not part of the Government’s programme. These are called Members’ bills.

    The House allocates its sitting time to Members’ bills every second Wednesday when the House is sitting. Because there are always more Members’ bills proposed than time to consider them, a ballot system is used to choose the bills that are introduced. The ballot may contain around 40 drafted bills, but only four may be available for first reading at any one time.

    Few Members’ bills become laws though they may affect the Government’s lawmaking priorities if they attract sufficient support. For example the Government may decide to introduce its own more extensive bill with similar policy aims to a Member’s bill.

    Where to Now – 23 November 2006:

    Second reading

    A bill can be read a second time no sooner than the third sitting day after the select committee reports to the House. For Bradford’s Bill on Section 59 it looks like this: the Select Committee’s report was tabled in Parliament on 20 November 2006. The first sitting, that is, the first day Parliament sits to consider Private Members’ Bills such as the one to repeal Section 59, is Wednesday 22 November 2006. Parliament sits to consider Private Members’ Bills on every second Wednesday, that is, fortnightly. It is therefore probable that the second sitting day will be Wednesday 13 December 2006. So the probable third sitting, and the earliest that the Bill could be debated again in Parliament, is Wednesday 21 February 2007. So it appears that the next time Parliament addresses this Bill will be no sooner than Wednesday 21 February or possibly into March. Members can then debate the main principles of a bill, and any changes recommended by the select committee in its report.

    Changes not supported by every committee member are subject to a single vote at the end of the second reading debate.

    Changes that are supported by every committee member are automatically included in the bill if the second reading is agreed.

    If the vote is lost, that is the end of the bill. If the second reading is agreed, the bill is ready for debate by a committee of the whole House.

    If it passes a second reading, this can be viewed as a commitment to the final passage of the bill, subject to any further amendments. This stage is a debate of up to two hours led off by the member in charge.

    Committee of the whole House

    Any member of the House can participate when a committee of the whole House debates a bill. The members sit in the Chamber but the Speaker does not take the chair. The debate is less formal than other debates, but is no less important.

    Members have many chances to make short speeches and debate the provisions of a bill. These debates are a chance to examine the bill in detail – clause by clause and make further amendments members may propose in writing. Ministers and members can propose changes. These changes may be published before the debate in a supplementary order paper (SOP). If these have significant policy implications, they can be considered by a select committee to ensure the changes have adequate scrutiny. Otherwise the use of this mechanism to introduce major policy changes may be viewed as a device to avoid such scrutiny.

    There is no time limit on these debates and members have opportunities for five-minute speeches on each provision.. Large or controversial bills may be before a committee of the whole House for several days (by several days they mean “members days” which are every two weeks – so it could be drawn out for months).

    Once the final form of a bill is agreed, it returns to the House, it is reprinted to show any changes that have been made. The bill is then ready for third reading.

    Third reading

    This is usually a summing-up debate on a bill in its final form in the House.
    It is the last opportunity to debate and decide whether the bill should be passed in the form in which it has emerged from the committee of the whole House. It is more of a debate for summing up than on the provisions in detail. The debate can last up to two hours. The vote at the end of the debate is the final vote in the House to either pass the bill or reject it. Bills are rarely rejected at this stage. If the bill is passed there is one final step before it becomes law – Royal assent.

    Royal assent

    The last step illustrates the difference between the House of Representatives and Parliament. (See Parliament Brief, ‘What is Parliament?’) This is that the Sovereign (The Queen, represented in New Zealand by the Governor-General) forms part of Parliament but is completely separate from the House. It is the Sovereign’s role to sign a bill into law by giving it the ‘Royal assent’. Assent is given on the advice of the Prime Minister or the most senior Minister available.

    Access to Bills and Acts of Parliament

    Bills and Acts (also known as statutes) are available from most major public libraries and at
    www.legislation.govt.nz/ . They can also be purchased from Bennetts Government Bookshops, or from Legislation Direct (Phone: 04 495 2882), PO Box 12-418, Thorndon, Wellington.

    Delegated legislation

    The terms ‘delegated legislation’, ‘subordinate legislation’, and ‘regulations’ are used synonymously to refer to legal instruments, often technical in nature, made under powers delegated by Parliament when passing legislation. An example would be a regulation to set fees for a cost-recoverable service provided by a public organisation. While Parliament is not involved in making these legal instruments, specific procedures have been put in place in Standing Orders to ensure they are all subject to the scrutiny of Parliament and, if necessary, they can be disallowed as a result. A select committee – the Regulations Review Committee – carries out the detailed scrutiny.

    Another function of the Regulations Review Committee is to examine all bills for regulation-making powers that appear, for example, to delegate too much power to the Government. In such cases that committee reports to the committee considering the bill, highlighting the issue. By convention (accepted practice), the Regulations Review Committee is chaired by an opposition member to ensure this process is seen to work beyond the interest of the Government.

    Each year a Subordinate Legislation (Confirmation and Validation) Bill is passed to confirm certain regulations that would otherwise expire.

    Further reading

    McGee, David, Parliamentary Practice in New Zealand, 3rd edition, Wellington, 2005.

    How Parliament Makes a Law

    Bill introduced:
    *No debate

    1st reading***:
    *Initial debate

    Select committee:
    *Hears public submissions.
    *Recommends amendments.
    *Reports to the House explaining recommendations.

    2nd reading*:
    *Main debate on the principles of the bill as it emerged from the select committee.
    *Select committee amendments adopted.

    Committee of the whole House:
    *Detailed consideration of each clause or part.
    *Further amendments can be made.

    3rd reading***:
    *Final debate on whether it should be passed in the form emerging from committee of the whole House.

    Royal assent
    *Governor-General assents to the bill becoming an Act of Parliament.

    *** At any of these steps, a vote in the House can result in the bill being defeated.

    Information taken from:

    http://www.parliament.nz/en-NZ/c/5/f/c5fb1a264d8d48d9b9910855d78354a8.htm

    http://www.parliament.nz/en-NZ/HowPWorks/Laws/b/a/b/bab4f58d09e143adb06e1751e688ab5c.htm

    http://www.parliament.nz/en-NZ/HowPWorks/Laws/7/5/6/75639197bdff4a15b57eaaade358509e.htm

    http://www.parliament.nz/en-NZ/PubRes/About/FactSheets/6/1/5/61548724d96f4a5e849c2546ffc7202a.htm#_Toc143945577

  • Four Brilliant Lobbying Tools

    Emails to MPs

    Click the link below to send an email to any or to all MPs!

    Come here often to lobby the MPs on various issues.

    Start by telling them to dump the current Bill to repeal Section 59. The Bill’s title is: “Crimes (Abolition of Force as a Justification for Child Discipline) Amendment Bill”.

    http://www.familyfirst.org.nz/files/MP%20Address%20List.xls
    OR

    http://starstuddedsuperstep.com/s59/
    OR

    http://www.betterdemocracy.co.nz/email_mps.php – THIS LINK IS WORKING AGAIN

    OR A List of all the MPs

    All MPs phone numbers

    All MPs phone numbers… Please spread this around

    Letters to Editors

    Click on one of the links below for good information to help with sending letters to the editor and ringing talk back shows.

    http://www.maxim.org.nz

    or

    http://www.betterdemocracy.co.nz/email_editors.php

    Large Newspapers are not likely to print from this mass distribution. Send individual emails to the larger Newspapers:
    The Dominion Post
    *email letters@dompost.co.nz
    *Fax (04) 474-0350



    “Making a Submission to a Parliamentary Select Committee”

    Have Your Say ….. on the Crimes(Abolition of Force as a Justification for Child Discipline) Amendment Bill

    Call for submissions from the Justice & Electoral Committee re Bill

    Select Committee Office Tel 04-471-9999
    and see publication “Making a Submission to a Parliamentary Select Committee” on website:

    www.clerk.parliament.govt.nz/publications/other